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[personal profile] riggy
The Chaebol in the 1980s: placing extreme importance on "harmony" and "cooperation" becomes problematic when it's used to stifle any sort of explicit conflict. When, as Moon suggests, the best strategy for personal advancement is homogeneity and being pleasant, what are the penalties for acting otherwise? Short of being fired or stuck in placement-limbo, one might be moved closer to central authorities, i.e., the company as state of surveillance. False equality exists when there's a claim to solidarity and equality among all workers and yet the women are not invited to afterwork activities during which workers make further bonds, and are not expected to last long in the office (expectation of leaving for married life). Is there a greater solidarity between non-competitors, i.e., those restricted from the opportunity to advance at all (women as temporary workers)?

Similarly, I have to wonder about the presentation of household cooperation as presented by Kim. This passage in particular: "Married women in the Choson Dynasty were not in a position from which they could strongly voice their opinions and make important decisions, but they were not ignored or ill-treated. They were valued and, in good Confucian manner, treated as one of the family." I wonder how well this might sync up with theories about tolerance as a bad practice: one isn't ignored or ill-treated as such, but shuffled gently to the side, not held to as rigorous expectations because one's not really a full member of the group?

Moon, Seungsook. "The Production and Subversion of Hegemonic Masculinity: Reconfiguring Gender Hierarchy in Contemporary South Korea" In Under Construction: The Gendering of Modernity, Class, and Consumption in the Republic of Korea. University of Hawai’i Press, 2002.
Kim, Sohee. "Confucianism and Women in the Choson Dynasty." OtherWise: A Journal of Student Philosophy 2 (2008).


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